Thursday, September 8, 2016

The Homestead Strike and The 42th Parallel

Jowa Shi
Blog Post: 9/9/2016
GSI: Matthew Gonzales
                                   
The Homestead Strike and The 42th Parallel
At the turn of the 19th century, the United States labor movement was in full force with the rise of prominent unions, such as the American Federation of Labor. Despite cheaper and greater selection of consumer goods, industrialization had lead to the subdivision of jobs into fragments that could largely be completed by machines. As a result, many skilled and unskilled workers were forced to perform demoralizing, repetitive tasks with long days and little pay in unregulated factories and sweatshops. In The 42nd Parallel, Mac embraces the ideals of Marxism, social democracy, and a people’s revolution, as he is an unskilled laborer, wandering the country for a place to make a living. These ideals are evident in this passage:
“The exploiting classes would be helpless against the solidarity of the whole working class… The workers must realize that every small fight, for higher wages, for free-speech, for decent living conditions, was only significant as part of the big fight for the revolution.” (95)


As a result of the oppression, certain workers of that time period chose to join unions in an effort to voice their concerns and to negotiate better working conditions. One of the more prominent strikes – the Homestead Strike - occurred between the Carnegie Steel Company and the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers in Homestead, Pennsylvania. On July 6th, 1892, a bloody strike ensued when Henry Clay Frick, the operations manager, announced a wage cut a few days prior in an effort to crush the union. Frick hired strikebreakers (nonunion workers) and Pinkerton agents (private security agents) to take over the steel plant and lock the union workers out. The union workers clashed with the Pinkertons and shots were fired as violence ensued.
Dos Passos discusses this uprising as he places J. Ward Moorehouse right next to the event in Pittsburg, Pennsylvania. There was a general sense of uneasiness and confusion during the labor movement, with some heavily criticizing large corporations and others complaining about the strikers’ dissatisfaction. It was said that “certain writers from New York and Chicago, who were sentimentalists began to take a good deal of space in the press with articles flaying the steel industry and the feudal conditions in Pittsburgh as they called them, and the progressives in Congress were making a howl, and it was rumored that people wanted to make politics out of it were calling for a congressional investigation” (223). While J. Ward Moorehouse is keenly aware of the social turmoil, he instead converses with Mr. McGill about using this strike opportunity to create a new line of business to “educate the public” about social events through long term publicity, thereby serving in a public relations position (223).

Although the union won control of the steel plant, Carnegie contacted the Governor Robert Pattison, who sent out 8,500 soldiers from the State National Guard to Homestead. Eventually, the union was disbanded and the steel plant became operation again from “scab” workers and prior union workers who switched sides to get their jobs back. Union leaders were charged with murder and union workers were blacklisted. Public opinion also soured against unions because of the brutality against Pinkertons and an independent assassination attempt on Frick. Interestingly, Dos Passos points out the hypocrisy of Carnegie’s actions as he writes, “Andrew Carnegie gave millions for peace/ and libraries and scientific institutes and endowments and thrift/ whenever he made a billion dollars he endowed an institution to promote universal peace. Always/ except in time of war” (231). Despite Carnegie’s wish to bring peace and wisdom to future generations, he ruthless business tactics in order to in order to cut cost and increase profits. In this way, it seemed as if Carnegie wanted to educate the individual scholars and academics, while ignoring and abusing the general crowd.
                         
Discussion Questions:
1. “American industry like a steamengine, like a highpower locomotive on a great express train charging through the night of old individualistic methods…What does a steamengine require…Cooperation of capital [and] labor, the prosperous contented American working man… given the full dinnerpail, cheap motor transport, insurance, short working hours…a measure of comfort and prosperity” (234)
Why do you think there wasn’t more cooperation between unions and corporations? How does the “American dream” fit into this? Although the workers were fighting for higher wages and better working conditions, why was the public sentiment against them or, as least, not as supportive of their actions?
2. How does Mac represent the social environment during this time period? What can be said about an individual’s voice and actions versus that of the crowd?
3. How does the attitude towards the U.S. government during the labor movement differ from the attitudes upon entering the war? What might have caused this change?

Video:
"Homestead Strike." History.com. A&E Television Networks, 2009. Web. 07 Sept. 2016.

Images:
http://battleofhomestead.org/battle.php"Battle of Homestead Foundation." 
The 1892 Battle of Homestead. N.p., n.d. Web. 08 Sept. 2016.

Bibliography:
Adamczyk, Joseph. "Homestead Strike." Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Encyclopedia Britannica, 14 Sept. 2014. Web. 07 Sept. 2016.
Dos Passos, John. U.S.A. 4th ed., 1996. Houghton Mifflin Company, 1930.
Jackson, Bill. "History of Labor Unions." History of Labor Unions. The Social Studies Help Center, n.d. Web. 07 Sept. 2016.
"The Homestead Strike." PBS. PBS, n.d. Web. 07 Sept. 2016.

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/carnegie/peopleevents/pande04.html

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